The power of negative and positive episodic memories (2024)

Durability for select aspects of negative experiences

Episodic memories are defined by the presence of contextual elements; this context is what makes these memories for events (episodes) rather than semantic memories for content void of any context. The multidimensional nature of that context means there are emotional parts to the experience and a myriad of other contextual features that are inconsequential to the emotional experience. Given the role of the hippocampus in binding many of those contextual details together into a stable representation (for different frameworks for this binding, see Backus et al., 2016; Moses & Ryan, 2006; Yonelinas et al., 2019), the modulation model might lead to the prediction that negative events should be remembered with a robust array of details. Yet the data have not borne out this prediction (Bisby & Burgess, 2014; Mather, 2016; Sutherland & Mather, 2012). In most cases, individuals remember only select content of negative experiences well. There remain debates about how best to characterize the mnemonic associations that are enhanced vs. impaired vs. unaffected by negative arousal. The distinctions may relate to how “intrinsic” the details are to the item (Kensinger, 2009; Mather, 2007) with features that are inherent to the stimulus, such as an object’s identity or color, prioritized in memory. For example, Palombo, Te, et al. (2021) designed an experiment in which participants viewed short video clips with inserted negative or neutral objects. Participants were asked to indicate whether they recognized the object, when during the video clip they had seen the object, and what other scenes had occurred within the same videoclip. Results revealed that negative emotion (compared to neutral) was related to improved recognition accuracy and temporal-order memory for the objects but poorer performance for choosing the scenes from the same videoclip. In other words, individuals remembered the emotional object from the film and approximately when in the clip it had appeared, but not the broader context in which the emotional object had appeared. The literature has more generally suggested that, for experiences with negative content, there may be a shift from prefrontally guided integration of content, which allows for retention of broader contextual information, and toward a reliance on sensory processing, which allows for retention of more item-specific detail (Bowen, Kark, & Kensinger, 2018). Content perceptually bound to the emotional item may be disproportionately remembered (Murray & Kensinger, 2014), while other aspects are forgotten.

The selective memory enhancements also may relate to the goal-states of the individual and the alignment of features with a participants’ encoding goals (Kaplan et al., 2012; Levine & Edelstein, 2009). For instance, when participants are explicitly instructed to process all elements of a scene (Kensinger & Schacter, 2008), they do better at remembering all elements of negative scenes, including the contextual details, compared with a naturalistic viewing condition; and when individuals are asked to unitize negative and neutral items together, creating a single, coherent representation, they are able to do so faster than for two neutral items (reviewed by Murray & Kensinger, 2013). In other words, when explicitly instructed to bind a contextual element to a negative item, individuals can use their encoding goals to do this more efficiently, but they do not appear to do so by default.

These memory enhancements for select aspects of experiences, and the corresponding evidence that contextual elements are often poorly remembered, is inconsistent with positive interactions between the amygdala and the hippocampus. Of course, the modulation model does not require that there are always these positive interactions, and indeed many have theorized of the amygdala and hippocampal memory systems as those that operate independently, except when they coordinate to support emotional memory (Phelps, 2004; Yang & Wang, 2017). However, there has been an alternate view in the human cognition literature for some time, with ideas of a “hot” emotional/fear, amygdala-driven system and a “cool” cognitive, hippocampal-driven memory system, with these systems being proposed to often act in opposition to one another (Metcalfe & Jacobs, 1996, 1998). Some studies of human memory are consistent with this idea of these systems acting in opposition, such as research demonstrating that while item memory is usually enhanced for negative relative to neutral stimuli, associative memory often is impaired (Bisby et al., 2016; Bisby & Burgess, 2014; Madan et al., 2012).

In their emotional binding model, Yonelinas and Ritchey (2015) proposed another alternative for the way to consider the roles of the amygdala and the hippocampus in emotional memory. They expanded upon an influential model of human episodic memory (Diana, Yonelinas, & Ranganath, 2007), in which the hippocampus serves to bind contextual details into an episodic memory representation, building in emotional memory by proposing that the amygdala separately acts to bind items to their emotional salience. Recent evidence to support this model has come from studies demonstrating that emotionality is only associated with an item when there is explicit recognition of that item (Bell et al., 2017; Palombo, Elizur, et al., 2021). In the absence of item recognition, individuals cannot remember whether snakes are poisonous or nonpoisonous (Bell et al., 2017), and a transfer of valence from a negative item to a neutral item seems to occur only if the neutral item was episodically bound to the negative item (Palombo, Elizur, et al., 2021). These results suggest the possibility that emotion may be inextricably bound to item representations in episodic memory and unable to be retrieved in the absence of those item representations.

A nice feature of the emotional binding model is that it does not require there to be opposition between the amygdala-binding and hippocampal-binding systems. It can allow for some situations in which amygdala-binding may take place at the expense of hippocampal-binding, which often is discussed when talking about the “weapon focus effect” (Loftus et al., 1987) and the tendency for negative memories to become separated from the context in which they occurred (Bisby & Burgess, 2017). The model also allows for other situations in which amygdala-binding may co-occur with hippocampal-binding, as may occur when emotional experiences are more likely to be remembered with their spatial (Schmidt et al., 2011) or temporal (Palombo, Te, et al., 2021) context, and as originally proposed by the modulation model.

Strength of encoding contributes to memory’s durability

While the modulation model and the emotional binding model both focus on processes specific to emotional memories, Talmi (2013) compellingly reviewed evidence that emotional memories also benefit from mechanisms that are engaged for many experiences and simply enhanced for emotional ones. Talmi’s mediation model proposes that emotional experiences benefit from boosted attention, elaboration, and organizational processes implemented at encoding (Talmi, 2013). A key element of this model is that it can explain emotional memory enhancements that arise over short-term delays; it does not require time for consolidation processes to unfold.

There is evidence that, at least in younger adults (see Box 4 for discussion of older adults), the types of encoding processes outlined by the mediation model may be particularly likely to be engaged for negative information (Kang et al., 2014; Kensinger, 2008; Ochsner, 2000), perhaps in part because of the modes of cognitive processing that negative emotions catalyze (Schwarz & Clore, 1996; Storbeck, 2012; Storbeck & Clore, 2005). That is, we remember negative experiences well, because they are prioritized for processing, and we grant them more of the cognitive processes that are well-known to increase the likelihood that an event becomes a part of our memory representations. For instance, Talmi et al. (2008) provided evidence for the attentional mediation of the emotional enhancement of memory. They asked participants to view negative arousing or neutral pictures under conditions that varied the attentional resources granted to those images, and then they gave participants an immediate recognition memory test. Results revealed that the immediate emotional enhancement of memory was related to the recruitment of a region of the left fusiform gyrus that also was associated with increased attention to the negative images.

Evidence for the impact of encoding processes on negative memories’ durability has come from studies examining how emotion regulation impacts subsequent memory. Multiple studies have revealed that when participants are asked to engage in cognitive reappraisal—that is, to reframe an experience to make it less negative—memory for those experiences is enhanced (Kim & Hamann, 2012; Leventon et al., 2018). These studies can be thought of as testing the relative impact of the types of processes encompassed in the mediation model and those arousal-related processes emphasized in the modulation and emotional binding models. That is, cognitive reappraisal asks participants to grant additional attention and elaboration to negative stimuli (increasing those processes emphasized in the mediation model) to reduce the arousal associated with those stimuli (reducing the types of specialized mechanisms emphasized in the modulation and emotional binding models). The fact that this type of reappraisal leads to memory benefits for the negative content suggests the remarkable power of those cognitive processes that boost emotional memory via nonarousal-modulated mechanisms. They can enhance memory—includingover a longer-term delay of two weeks (Kim & Hamann, 2012)—evenwhile diminishing(though not entirely removing) the possibility of arousal-modulation processes.

Although the mediation model was proposed to explain the emotional memory enhancements over shorter time-frames, it is worth considering that these factors also could explain some aspects of the time-dependent enhancements for emotional information. It is plausible that when experiences (neutral or emotional) garner more attention, elaboration, and organization, this leads to increased rehearsal or reactivation over subsequent delays. Christianson (1992) emphasized the importance of rehearsal for the maintenance of emotional memories. It is well known that sleep, and other rest-filled delays, can serve as a time in which experiences are reactivated in memory, with some of the signals as to which memories ought to be reactivated coming from prioritization signals set up at encoding (reviewed by Payne & Kensinger, 2018). While these prioritization signals are often discussed in the context of emotional tagging, arising via arousal responses and amygdala activation (Richter-Levin & Akirav, 2003), prioritization signals can also arise due to goal-states related to anticipated future-relevance of stimuli. For instance, when students highlight material (Lo et al., 2016) or study material they know they will later be tested on (Bennion et al., 2016), those aspects are preferentially consolidated over sleep-filled delays. In at least some designs, these prioritization signals can even win out over any affective-tagging elicited by emotional content. For instance, Bennion et al. (2016) revealed that intentional encoding was such a strong boost to retention of information over a sleep-filled delay that, while emotional content was preferentially retained over sleep when it was incidentally encoded, the neutral items rose to nearly the level of the emotional items when they had been intentionally encoded for a memory test that participants knew would occur after the period of sleep.

Summary of factors leading to negative memories’ durability

In summary, extensive research has shown that negative memories are more durable than other types of memories. Their durability likely stems from multiple factors: Negative experiences are granted additional cognitive resources during encoding, aiding memory in the short-term (mediation model; Talmi, 2013) and providing prioritization signals that increase the likelihood that those experiences are later rehearsed (Christianson, 1992) or reactivated (Payne & Kensinger, 2018) in ways that benefit their maintenance over the longer-term. Negative experiences can also trigger mnemonic mechanisms that more directly influence consolidation. Sometimes, increased engagement of the hippocampus may contribute to the memory’s durability over time (modulation model; McGaugh, 2000, 2004). Other times, amygdala engagement can be sufficient to trigger item storage in the absence of hippocampal engagement (emotional binding model; Yonelinas & Ritchey, 2015). Importantly, what is durably retained are select portions of the emotional experience: those item aspects that were bound to the emotional salience (emotional binding model) and those aspects that, through emotional salience or goal-relevance, won out in prioritized competition for encoding resources (ABC and GANE models; Mather & Sutherland, 2011, Mather et al., 2016; see Figure ​Figure22 for depiction of these models of emotional memory).

eCMR: Negative Memories Crowd Out Neutral Memories

It is increasingly appreciated that associations are continuously being made between content and context—between information being learned or retrieved and the context in which those memory processes are unfolding (Lohnas et al., 2015; Polyn et al., 2009). It also has been demonstrated that the internal context of an individual is continually shifting, in ways that create temporal context shifts over time (Manns et al., 2007) and enable events to be linked via their shared temporal overlap (Cai et al., 2016).

A recent model, the emotional Context Maintenance and Retrieval Model (eCMR) (Talmi et al., 2019), has added emotion as a contextual dimension that can guide encoding and retrieval processes. This model accounts for the time-dependency of the emotional enhancement effect by proposing that emotional context can be more easily reinstated after delays than temporal or other contextual contexts. As predicted by context models of retrieval, this shared emotional context can lead to clustering effects in recall, whereby individuals will cluster their recall of items with negative emotional content even when those items were originally studied interspersed with neutral items (Barnacle et al., 2016; Long et al., 2015). However, the clustering effects have not yet been shown to relate to the degree of the emotional enhancement of memory, a pattern that would be expected were context effects at retrieval the primary driver of the memory enhancement.

An important revelation in studies comparing recall of items presented in pure-lists versus mixed-lists is that recall of emotional content often “crowds out” neutral content. That is, the reason why emotional items are remembered better than neutral items when studied in mixed lists, but not in pure lists, is largely explained by the fact that recall of neutral items is worse when appearing in mixed lists relative to appearing in pure lists. Although emotional items are sometimes better remembered in mixed lists compared to pure lists, this is not always the case (reviewed in Talmi et al., 2019). This crowding-out effect suggests that some of the improved accessibility of negative memories at retrieval may come from the fact that those memories are being selected at the expense of other neutral content and, once in mind, are setting up a context that will further bias the retrieval of additional negative content.

To our knowledge, eCMR has not yet been applied to paradigms that examine memory selectivity (e.g., memory for negative components at the expense of memory for neutral components of a photograph), but it seems plausible that the emotional context maintained could also be part of the explanation for the selectivity of memory. This ability for negative memories to crowd out neutral memories is reminiscent of trade-off effects, which have recently been attributed to retrieval effects as well as to encoding effects (Madan et al., 2020; MickleySteinmetz et al., 2016). Future work will do well to examine whether retrieval context keeps memories honed onto the negative components while crowding out memory for other contextual details.

NEVER Forget: Negative memories yield sensory specificity and vividness via recapitulation

It has long been known that memory is best when a person’s state at retrieval—be it internal or external—matches their state at encoding (Tulving, 1974), with experimental evidence dating back to at least the 1940s (Abernethy, 1940). eCMR launches from this premise, expanding from the idea that emotional context is present at encoding and is sufficiently long-lasting to be recapitulated at retrieval. Another model also launches from this premise: that recapitulation is central to episodic memory retrieval, and that the power of negative memories can be understood by considering what happens when negative events are recapitulated in memory.

Bowen, Kark, and Kensinger (2018) proposed that Negative Emotional Valence Enhances Recapitulation (“NEVER Forget”). When memories are negative, there is an increased likelihood that the brain reconfigures itself at retrieval to be in a similar state to the one it was in during encoding. The model was based on evidence that negative memories are associated with greater encoding-to-retrieval overlap in a number of regions, including in sensory-processing regions (Bowen & Kensinger, 2017a; Kark & Kensinger, 2015). In fact, even when using exclusively neutral prompts to cue memory for a previously encountered positive, negative, or neutral event, one of the strongest predictors of retrieval-related activity in sensory regions was the valence of the encoded event (Bowen & Kensinger, 2017b).

Key tenants of that model were tested by Kark and Kensinger (2019a, 2019b), who replicated the finding that sensory recapitulation was greater for negative than neutral or positive memories, and who further showed that the way sensory regions were incorporated into memory networks led to those differences at retrieval. In particular, as physiological responding increased during encoding, early visual cortex regions became functionally connected to the amygdala in a way that enhanced memory for negative, but not positive or neutral events (Kark & Kensinger, 2019b). In other words, increased arousal led to the incorporation of sensory regions into emotional memory networks specifically for negative stimuli. Moreover, when those sensory regions stayed incorporated into emotional memory networks post-encoding, as measured via resting-state connectivity, that led to a more sensory-driven retrieval of negative memories and to a greater propensity for participants to show a negative memory bias. Thus, some of what gives negative memories their power is their sensory specificity and their vividness via recapitulation.

Clewett and Murty (2019) have proposed that the neurobiological underpinnings of this selective memory phenomenon may come from the activation of an arousal-related locus coeruleus-norepinephrine system. They suggest that when sympathetic arousal and activation of this system is high, there is a prioritization of item features at encoding and a reinstatement of the corresponding lower-level sensory cortical regions during retrieval. By their model, it is not the negative valence of the experiences per se, but the arousal and behavioral activation they elicit, and their ability to engage the norepinephrine system, that drives their effects on recapitulation. How best to characterize these differences—whether they are primarily related to the aversive or pleasant nature of the experiences or to differences in the motivational states they elicit—remains an important point for further research.

Prioritization of Negative Memory Retrieval

While the timecourse for these retrieval effects is still being investigated, extensive work has suggested that stimuli with high intrinsic motivational salience—often, high-arousal negative or threat-related stimuli—are prioritized for rapid access to retrieval processes. For instance, Jaeger et al. (2009) presented participants with items encoded in a scene with negative arousing content or with neutral content and later tested participants’ memories for the items while measuring event related potentials (ERPs); the key question was how the neural markers of retrieval would differ based on the previously studied encoding context of the items. Although the precise effects differed based on whether recognition was tested after 10 min or 24 hours, at both delay intervals, differences when recognizing items studied in a negative-arousing context versus a neutral context emerged around 200 ms, relatively early in the retrieval process and before markers of conscious recollection (see also Bowen, Fields, & Kensinger, 2018 for evidence of differences that emerged around 200 ms after retrieval-cue onset). Similarly, Righi et al. (2012) presented participants with images of faces with happy, fearful, or neutral facial expressions. Then, at retrieval, all individuals were presented with faces displaying a neutral expression, and ERP was used to measure the timecourse of responses as individuals indicated whether they recognized the face. Because all expressions were neutral at retrieval, any differences in timecourse would be based on the different facial expressions seen at encoding. Faces that had been studied with a fearful expression elicited ERP markers of enhanced visuo-attentional processing (a greater P100) and evidence of primed facial feature processing (a reduced N170 combined with a larger early frontocentral effect).

Negative memories may also enhance later recollective signatures and may engage later, postretrieval processes differently. For instance, Ventura-Bort et al. (2020) demonstrated that the late parietal old/new effect (occurring approximately 600-800 ms poststimulus) was evoked for old items previously associated with a (negative) emotional background. They additionally found that a waveform later in the retrieval epoch (800 ms and beyond) was enhanced for objects that had been encoded in that emotional context. Other ERP studies also have demonstrated that when images are unpleasant (Lavoie & O’Connor, 2013) or when neutral images are studied in negative contexts (Liu et al., 2021), those retrieval cues can modulate neural signatures later in the retrieval epoch. These types of results have led to the postulation that negative memories are associated with different retrieval orientations (Liu et al., 2021), with more sustained processing (Ventura-Bort et al., 2020), and with different levels of strategic control during retrieval (Herron, 2017). Together, these results suggest that there may be a privileged access to negative memories, and that once they are brought to mind, there is additional processing granted to the negative content of those memories.

Negative memory biases

Sometimes, the durability of negative memories can be problematic for mental wellbeing. In disorders, such as depression or PTSD, the way negative information is attended and interpreted is thought to play an important role (Ledoux & Muller, 1997), leading to negative memory biases that can contribute to symptom persistence (Harmer et al., 2009; Imbriano et al., 2022). Negative memory biases describe the relative quantity of events brought to mind, such that patients with depressive or PTSD symptoms are more likely to remember negative over positive or neutral experiences (Gibbs et al., 2013; Harmer et al., 2009; Imbriano et al., 2022), and this negative memory bias is thought to catalyze the onset of negative thinking and depressed mood (Harmer et al., 2009). For example, Imbriano et al. (2022) found that severity of PTSD symptoms, including depression, dysphoria, and panic attacks, was related to the tendency to remember studied negative material more accurately than studied neutral material.

Importantly, negative memory biases can result not only from enhancements in memory for negative events but also from reductions in memory for positive events. For instance, individuals with depression show relative impairments in memory for positive events compared with negative or neutral events, possibly because of dysfunctions in the dopaminergic system that would typically strengthen the encoding of these events into memory (Dillon, 2015; Dillon & Pizzagalli, 2018). Consistent with a dopaminergic hypothesis, acute administration of dopamine agonists has been shown to increase striatal activation in response to reward in individuals with major depressive disorder (Admon et al., 2017), and while there were not behavioral effects of that acute administration, longer-term administration of a dopamine agonist has shown beneficial for reducing symptoms of dysthymia or depression (Zangani et al., 2021). Similarly, in PTSD, pharmacological enhancement of cortical dopamine has shown some benefits for those with severe PTSD, reversing response biases toward fearful stimuli presented on a working memory task (Westphal et al., 2021).

Rumination

Other times, it is not the durability of negative relative to positive memories that is problematic, but the inability to stop reflecting on particular past negative experiences: rumination. Rumination is present across many affective disorders, and while it may sometimes be deployed in the hopes of achieving an adaptive outcome (Lyubomirsky & Nolen-Hoeksema, 1993), it instead tends to exacerbate negative moods and encourage maladaptive problem solving (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2008; Watkins, 2009).

While rumination may sometimes be deployed strategically, it also may arise because individuals fail to effectively gate their memory retrieval processes. Fawcett et al. (2015) revealed that those who ruminate are more likely to have difficulties controlling the contents of their memory; that is, they struggle to put unwanted or unneeded memories out of mind. A recent meta-analysis (Stramaccia et al., 2021) supported the conjecture that this type of memory suppression occurred more robustly in healthy individuals than in anxious or depressed individuals. These results may explain why rumination can be both a risk factor for the development of PTSD and also correlated with the maintenance of PTSD symptoms (Ehring, Ehlers, & Glucksman, 2008; Ehring, Frank, & Ehlers, 2008). It is plausible that the intentional focus on a past negative experience, when combined with a difficulty later suppressing the repeated retrieval of that experience, is a recipe for an intrusive memory (Ball & Brewin, 2012).

Emotion regulation at encoding

It is well known that the intensity of a negative event can be manipulated at encoding, by engaging in emotion regulation processes. A variety of strategies can be implemented, with different efficacy in-the-moment and with different consequences for later memory (Gross, 2002). Of the regulation strategies, cognitive reappraisal is usually discussed as being one of the most helpful. It works in-the-moment and is associated with better metrics of mental wellbeing than many other strategies, such as suppression or avoidance. As we described earlier, in the context of our discussion of the mediation model, an interesting aspect of cognitive reappraisal at encoding is that it can help to preserve memory for the content of an experience while stripping some of its affective intensity (Dillon et al., 2007; Richards & Gross, 2000). This pattern extends to autobiographical experiences: college students’ use of reappraisal just after a negative event corresponded with better memory performance and with a tendency to later underestimate the emotional impact of the event (Colombo et al., 2021). When you want to remember the critique given to you by a coworker, while not being overcome with negative emotion during the interaction or when reflecting on it later, cognitive reappraisal may be the strategy of choice.

The neurobiology that makes this possible is still not fully understood. It is clear that cognitive reappraisal engages prefrontal processes, often in the service of downregulating amygdala activity (Banks et al., 2007; Goldin et al., 2008). It may be that, by engaging those prefrontal processes that also serve to deepen the level-of-processing associated with encoding, memory is enhanced (Pannu Hayes et al., 2010). It also is plausible that part of the benefit to memory comes from reducing the experienced negative affect: If negative emotions shift the balance from a hippocampal-binding system toward an amygdala-binding system (see Box 3), then using reappraisal to weaken those negative emotions could help to keep the hippocampal-binding system engaged, increasing the likelihood that memories are able to be richly recalled and also decreasing the likelihood that they are recalled in maladaptive ways divorced from the encoded context. Thus, emotion regulation at encoding has the interesting potential to reduce the power of negative emotional memories insofar as it will reduce the intensity of the experienced negative emotion at the time of the experience and reduce the likelihood of maladaptive retrieval.

Emotion regulation at retrieval

Not only can experiences be regulated, but also memories of those experiences can be regulated. This may be critically important to our mental health, If in the moment we fail to effectively regulate our responses to an event, later, as we reflect on the event, we can have another opportunity to reframe the experience (see review by Samide & Ritchey, 2021).

Individuals can intentionally and strategically regulate their responses to their memories, such as when individuals are specifically instructed to reduce their emotional reactions to a memory of an encoded negative image or a negative autobiographical memory (Holland & Kensinger, 2013a, 2013b). In these instances, it seems that individuals bring the past content into mind and then, similar to emotion reappraisal at encoding (Morawetz et al., 2017; Ochsner & Gross, 2005), engage lateral prefrontal control processes to down-regulate emotion regions and perhaps also sensory regions. There can be lasting consequences to this type of reappraisal, with individuals continuing to rate the memories as less emotionally intense even after some time has passed (Holland & Kensinger, 2013a, 2013b).

Strategic cognitive reappraisal may be similar to those processes encouraged in various forms of therapy (Kredlow et al., 2018). Broadly, cognitive behavioral therapy teaches techniques that patients can use to reframe negative thoughts as more positive ones (Coffey et al., 2015). Cognitive restructuring techniques more specifically encourage retrieval of a negative past experience, with the goal of the clinician guiding the rememberer toward a reinterpretation of the event’s meaning (Beck, 2011). Imagery rescripting similarly involves the retrieval of a past negative event coupled with the retelling of the memory with the inclusion of more positive and less negative imagery; this method has shown promise for multiple affective disorders linked to maladaptive negative memory retrieval (Morina et al., 2017).

While we have so far described methods that direct individuals to reframe or regulate their memories, aversive memories also may be spontaneous regulated. It is unclear if most people are able to engage in spontaneous regulation or if it primarily occurs in those individuals who are chronically motivated to reduce their experience of negative affect. In contrast to lateral prefrontal regions that may serve an outsized role in the strategic reappraisal of memories, the dorsomedial prefrontal cortex (dmPFC) may be particularly important for this type of spontaneous regulation. Kensinger andFord (2021) have recently proposed that, at each phase of memory, the dmPFC participates in integrating the affective components of an experience with its other content. Through its various connections, including with the hippocampus (Ford & Kensinger, 2018), it may be able to play a key role in orchestrating memory framings that will either emphasize or deemphasize affective components. At retrieval, this may enable the dmPFC to down- or up-regulate the vividness of memories for negative images (Ford & Kensinger, 2017) or to dampen or intensify the focus on negative details of mixed-valence autobiographical events (Ford & Kensinger, 2019), even in the absence of explicit emotion-regulation instructions.

Finally, memories can be regulated by biological means. Rimmele et al. (2015) had participants read negative and neutral texts and then, 3 days later, recall the texts with either pharmacological suppression of cortisol levels or naturalistic levels. They found that when cortisol was suppressed, retrieval of the negative texts was impaired, with no corresponding impairment for the neutral texts. Importantly, these changes were long-lasting, with poorer memory for those negative texts persisting 1 week later. Although in this study, the regulation of cortisol happened via pharmacological intervention, it also is plausible that individuals could regulate their cortisol levels via naturalistic means, thereby weakening the strength of negative memories retrieved in that altered state.

Importantly, both the pharmacological work and the broader work on emotion regulation during retrieval (Holland & Kensinger, 2013a) suggests that the effects extend beyond the single occurrence during which the negative memory retrieval is regulated. Possibly by affecting the way that memories are reconsolidated after initial retrieval (Drexler & Wolf, 2017), once a memory is altered via regulation at retrieval (strategic, spontaneous, or biological), there can be lasting consequences for its content. We will return to a discussion of how negative memories may become more positive over retrievals when we discuss the power of positive memory retrieval.

Although future work is needed, it is possible that the timing of regulatory processes during retrieval is important. For instance, Holland and Kensinger (2013a, 2013b) found that when individuals were instructed to increase their emotional reactions to a negative memory, it was activity at the time those instructions were received—and before the memory prompt had appeared—that best corresponded with their success in upregulating their emotional reactions. Perhaps relatedly, a recent study (Bridgland & Takarangi, 2021) found that warning participants that retrieving a negative memory would be upsetting (designed to mirror “trigger warnings”) led those individuals to report a greater negative impact of the event than individuals who did not receive that warning. Thus, it is possible that part of what makes negative memories powerful relates to whether, before we have brought the memory to mind, we anticipate the impact of that recollective experience.

Positive memory retrieval as an emotion regulation device

While there are many other emotion regulation strategies people can use (McRae & Gross, 2020), there may be specific benefits conveyed by the use of positive memories. For one, the use of positive memories to change one’s mood may require less training than other emotion regulation strategies. While individuals often have to practice extensively to become good at reframing and reappraising experiences, autobiographical memory retrieval is a common part of daily experience. Second, the use of positive memories may be implementable across a wider range of scenarios, including instances where the emotion is not elicited by any specific situation that can be reframed or instances in which it is a mood rather than a short-lived emotional reaction that must be regulated.

Episodic specificity inductions to enhance negative memory reframing

It is not just positive memories that can provide positive impacts to our mental wellbeing. Negative memories can as well if we are able to reframe them so as to find the good that has come from them (Samide & Ritchey, 2021). In fact, reframing negative memories may be a particularly powerful way to boost our mental health, in long-lasting ways. As we described earlier, a barrier to such reframing may be if memories are retrieved in an overgeneral and semanticized way, rather than as an episodically rich memory. If true, then training individuals in how to retrieve specific memories may be advantageous.

Memory specificity training (Madore & Schacter, 2014; Raes et al., 2009), based on the cognitive interview (Geiselman et al., 1985), encourages individuals to thoroughly retrieve details of an event, using a guided process to enhance the retrieval of episodic details. There is promising work showing that specificity inductions can be linked to reductions in symptoms of PTSD (Moradi et al., 2014), depression (Neshat-Doost et al., 2013; Raes et al., 2009), and complicated grief (Maccallum & Bryant, 2011). It also may boost positive affect and decrease negative affect in healthy college students (Jing et al., 2016). Some of these benefits have been linked to the concept of episodic reappraisal (Jing et al., 2016) or the ability to reframe a negative experience that one is remembering or imagining.

Power of reminiscence for grief

Autobiographical memory retrieval can be powerful for individuals who are grieving (Mroz & Bluck, 2019). Whether those memories are powerful in harming or helping depends on the way people use their memories. Wolf et al. (2021) revealed that after the loss of a loved one, individuals benefited from recalling autobiographical memories if they did so in ways that have been described as “self-positive” (Cappeliez & O’Rourke, 2006) – using memories to maintain identity, to problem-solve, and to prepare for one’s own death. They suggested that when used this way, past memories may help individuals to reframe their identity and their future without their loved one. To our knowledge, there have not been interventions focused on helping individuals to use their memories in these self-positive ways, but there may be promise for doing so as a way to help those who are grieving a loss.

Emotional material may benefit from different study techniques

Students do not just learn about neutral content in the classroom. They read fiction and nonfiction written to trigger positive and negative emotional reactions, discuss current events that are emotionally charged, and study about diseases and treatments that may directly affect loved ones. The advice given for how to effectively study this information is almost entirely based on laboratory research using nonemotional stimuli.

There is reason to think that many of the effective-study principles developed through examination of memory for neutral content will extend to emotional content. For instance, high-quality sleep has been shown to benefit memory for emotional content at least as much as nonemotional content (Payne & Kensinger, 2018). But what about spaced rehearsal? Or emphasizing quizzing over re-studying? What about taking notes in visual form versus written or in ways that emphasize associations among concepts? Few of these study principles have been examined for emotional content. To the extent that the emotional enhancement of memory is reliant on similar processes as engaged for neutral material (mediation model), the benefits should remain similar. But it seems plausible that where the mechanisms begin to diverge, so might the most effective study strategies. For instance, in contrast to the robust “testing effect” advantage conveyed for neutral content, there have been mixed results for negative content, and some suggestion that rather than the broad benefits conveyed for nonemotional content, retrieval practice may benefit memory for associations with negative content (Jia et al., 2018) but not memory for the negative items themselves (Jia et al., 2019). It seems possible that the different patterns of accessibility for negative versus neutral memories may contribute to this disconnect: If negative content is associated with a prioritized search process, this may mean that its retrieval conveys fewer benefits when compared to the more-effortful search process engaged for neutral information. It also is plausible that retrieval practice primarily engages content linked to hippocampal-binding mechanisms and may be less efficacious for content linked to amygdala-binding mechanisms.

Emotional memories and new learning

We have already described the power for emotional memories to at least transiently change our affective state. Classroom assignments are often designed to evoke these memories: In elementary school, children might be asked to write about a favorite experience or to consider when they have felt similarly to a protagonist. In high school and college, students may be encouraged to write about life experiences to gain facility in writing, or to connect their life experiences to material being presented. When this memory retrieval happens in the classroom, there are likely to be consequences for the processing of incoming information.

If emotional memories are changing individuals’ moods, this can then impact how they are processing incoming information. Individuals in a negative mood may attend to details and may process information in a more narrow, analytic fashion than people in positive or neutral moods (Clore et al., 2001). By contrast, participants in a positive mood are more likely to process information in a broader manner, focusing on the gist or global theme of the information, and often seeing creative connections among stimuli that others miss (Clore et al., 2001; Fredrickson, 2004). There is some work focused on customizing learning material based on real-time automated evaluations of students’ emotional states (Shen et al., 2009), although much of it has focused on students’ experiences of confusion, and so there remains much to be investigated.

In the classroom, it seems plausible that retrieval of emotional memories could be leveraged to encourage the relevant modes of information-processing. A student might be asked to think about a positive memory before engaging in a task requiring creative associations to be drawn. If positive memories can buffer from stress in educational contexts as they can in laboratory ones, there could be benefits to asking students to take a moment to retrieve a positive memory before handing out a pop-quiz or asking a student to read in front of the class.

Neurofeedback

It remains unclear how the balance of hippocampal and amygdala binding systems is determined. There is beginning to be promising evidence that neurofeedback can be used to downregulate amygdala activity (Brühl et al., 2014) and to enhance emotion regulation (see Linhartová et al., 2019 for review). For instance, Herwig et al. (2019) provided participants with neurofeedback of their own amygdala activity while they were instructed to use cognitive reappraisal. Over four weekly sessions, they noted significant reductions in amygdala activity. Interestingly, amygdala connectivity with the hippocampus also increased. They did not examine memory for the pictorial stimuli presented during the neurofeedback session, but this pattern raises the question of whether methods like this may be useful for achieving a greater balance between hippocampal and amygdala binding systems.

Aerobic exercise

Extensive prior research has demonstrated that aerobic exercise is good for hippocampal function (Erickson et al., 2011) and may encourage cell growth in the hippocampus (Luo et al., 2019). Less is known about how exercise affects the amygdala. To date, most research has focused on the effect of exercise on emotion regulation, showing that exercise can boost prefrontal function (Ligeza et al., 2021) and can increase connectivity between the prefrontal cortex and amygdala in ways that have been interpreted as indicative of improved emotion regulation (Ge et al., 2021). If exercise is indeed increasing hippocampal function while decreasing amygdala engagement, it may create an intriguing scenario in which an emotional experience is remembered primarily with hippocampal-binding mechanisms engaged. To our knowledge, no work has examined whether participation in aerobic exercise programs or individual differences in aerobic fitness affect the types of details remembered about an emotional experience. Instead, the bulk of work has looked at how acute bursts of exercise around the time of learning or consolidation affect overall memory ability (Loprinzi et al., 2019 for review) or emotional memory ability specifically (Libkuman et al., 1999; Wade & Loprinzi, 2018). For example, future work could examine how exercise interventions affect associative as well as item memory for negative content.

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